Brethren, Sisters, and Friends—
We are a people believing in the providences of God, and acknowledging
His hand in His dealings with us from day to day.
We are a people whose rise and progress from the beginning, has been
the work of God our Heavenly Father, which in His wisdom He has seen
proper to commence for the reestablishment of His kingdom upon the
earth.
Still further we believe that the Lord has been preparing that, when
He should bring forth His work, that, when the set time should fully
come, there might be a place upon His footstool where sufficient
liberty of conscience should exist, that His Saints might dwell in
peace under the broad panoply of constitutional law and equal rights.
In this view we consider that the men in the Revolution were inspired,
by the Almighty, to throw off the shackles of the mother government,
with her established religion. For this cause were Adams, Jefferson,
Franklin, Washington, and a host of others inspired to deeds of
resistance to the acts of the King of Great Britain, who might also
have been led to those aggressive acts, for aught we know, to bring to
pass the purposes of God, in thus establishing a new government upon a
principle of greater freedom, a basis of self-government allowing the
free exercise of religious worship.
It was the voice of the Lord inspiring all those worthy men who bore
influence in those trying times, not only to go forth in battle, but
to exercise wisdom in council, fortitude, courage, and endurance in
the tented field, as well as subsequently to form and adopt those wise
and efficient measures which secured to themselves and succeeding
generations, the blessing of a free and independent government.
This government, so formed, has been blessed by the Almighty until she
spreads her sails in every sea, and her power is felt in every land.
The American Government is second to none in the world in influence
and power, and far before all others in liberal and free institutions.
Under its benign influence the poor, downtrodden masses of the old
world can find an asylum where they can enjoy the blessings of peace
and freedom, no matter to what caste or religious sect they belong, or
are disposed to favor, or whether they are disposed to favor any or
none at all. It was in this government, formed by men inspired of God,
although at the time they knew it not, after it was firmly established
in the seat of power and influence, where liberty of conscience, and
the free exercise of religious worship were a fundamental principle
guaranteed in the Constitution, and interwoven with all the feelings,
traditions, and sympathies of the people, that the Lord sent
forth His angel to reveal the truths of heaven as in times past, even
as in ancient days. This should have been hailed as the greatest
blessing which could have been bestowed upon any nation, kindred,
tongue, or people. It should have been received with hearts of
gratitude and gladness, praise and thanksgiving.
But as it was in the days of our Savior, so was it in the advent of
this new dispensation. It was not in accordance with the notions,
traditions, and preconceived ideas of the American people. The
messenger did not come to an eminent divine of any of the so-called
orthodoxy, he did not adopt their interpretation of the Holy
Scriptures. The Lord did not come with the armies of heaven, in power
and great glory, nor send His messengers panoplied with aught else
than the truth of heaven, to communicate to the meek, the lowly, the
youth of humble origin, the sincere enquirer after the knowledge of
God. But He did send His angel to this same obscure person, Joseph
Smith, Jun., who afterwards became a Prophet, Seer, and Revelator, and
informed him that he should not join any of the religious sects of the
day, for they were all wrong; that they were following the precepts of
men instead of the Lord Jesus; that He had a work for him to perform,
inasmuch as he should prove faithful before Him.
No sooner was this made known, and published abroad, and people began
to listen and obey the heavenly summons, than opposition began to
rage, and the people, even in this favored land, began to persecute
their neighbors and friends for entertaining religious opinions
differing from their own.
I pause now to ask, had not Joseph Smith a right to promulgate and
establish a different, a new religion and form of worship in this
government? Everyone must admit he had. This right was always held
sacred, for upon it was based the religious liberty of every citizen
of the Republic. It was a privilege held sacred in the bosom of every
class of people; no Judge dared invade its holy precincts. No
Legislator nor Governor ventured to obstruct the free exercise
thereof. How then should it be esteemed an object worthy of
persecution that Joseph Smith, the man called of God to perform a work
in restoring the Gospel of salvation unto the children of men, and his
followers, true believers in his divine mission, should attempt to
exercise the same privilege held sacred by all others, of every name,
nature, and description, and equally so by them? Why should he and his
followers be debarred the privilege of worshipping God according to
the dictates of their consciences? Legally they cannot, and I will
further state, that legally they have not. No! Whenever the iron hand
of oppression and persecution has fallen upon this people, our
opposers have broken their own laws, set at defiance and trampled
under foot every principle of equal rights, justice, and liberty found
written in that rich legacy of our fathers, The Constitution of the
United States.
Whenever popular fury has been directed against us, no power in the
government has been found potent enough to afford protection, and what
is still more astonishing, honorable enough to yield redress, nor has
any effort succeeded in bringing to justice those individuals who had
perpetrated such fearful crimes. No! The murderer, the assassin, the
midday plunderer, and highway robber roam unmolested, and mingle
unquestioned in the society of the rulers of the land; they pass and
repass as current coin, producing no jar in the sensibilities of
refinement, no odium in the atmosphere in which they move.
I ask you, friends, how is this? Are not our religious sentiments as
sacred to us as to any other portion of the community? And should it
not be the duty, as well as the pride, of every American citizen to
extend that provision of the Constitution to us which he claims for
himself? And is not that sacred instrument invaded and broken as much
in debarring and excluding this people from its privileges, rights,
and blessings, as it would be if your rights and privileges were thus
invaded? No, gentlemen, we have broken no laws, our Glorious
Constitution guarantees unto us all that we claim. Under its broad
folds, in its obvious meaning and intents, we are safe, and can always
rejoice in peace. All that we have ever claimed, or wish to, on the
part of the government, is the just administration of the powers and
privileges of the National Compact.
It is not our acts, neither our intentions that the people or the
Government are afraid or complain of, but their own evil surmisings
concerning us.
In our first settlement in Missouri, it was said by our enemies that
we intended to tamper with the slaves, not that we had any idea of the
kind, for such a thing never entered our minds. We knew that the
children of Ham were to be the "servant of servants," and no power
under heaven could hinder it, so long as the Lord should permit them
to welter under the curse, and those were known to be our religious
views concerning them. Yet, the misrepresentation of our enemies found
willing ears in those prejudiced against us, and we were driven from
our homes in consequence of the fears of the people, and the prejudice
which had been raised against us in consequence thereof.
Again, in Missouri, in the early part of our history, the fears of the
people and Government were aroused, because they, not we, said that it
was our intention to tamper with the Indians, therefore we must not be
allowed to exist in their vicinity; and again the alarm was sounded,
and we were driven from our homes, plundered, mobbed, some killed, and
all this not for any crime which we had committed, but for fear we
might commit one.
Again; it was industriously circulated that we were
going to declare our "Independence," not that we had, or intended
to
do so absurd a thing; yet anything, no matter how absurd, seemed
sufficient excuse to startle the fears of the community, and they
began to drive, plunder, rob, burn our houses, and lay waste our
fields, and this was called, "Mormon disturbances," and the aid of
the
Government was invoked to quell "Mormon insurrection,"
"Mormon
troubles," and "Turbulent Mormons." And although it was
found
necessary, as they state, to drive us from Missouri and the frontiers,
to prevent us from tampering with the slaves and Indians, yet it was
found equally necessary, ten years afterwards, when we were a hundred
to one at that time, to drive us from Nauvoo into the very midst of
the Indians, as unworthy of any other society.
Fears of what we might
do with the Indians had by this time subsided, and fears of something
else that we might hereafter do, if left to remain in peace, and a
desire to plunder, accomplished our exodus from Illinois. Perhaps,
however, in this last case our enemies might have entertained some
fears that, if we were permitted to remain unmolested, the
bloodthirsty assassins who killed our beloved Prophet and Patriarch,
Joseph and Hyrum, who were inhumanly massacred while reposing under
the pledged faith of the State for their protection and safety, might
not be permitted to remain undisturbed in their guilt.
As in the case of the Indians upon the frontier, this also was a false
conclusion, for if ever a people would have been justified in
redressing their own wrongs, and could have done so with impunity, it
was at the time of his horrible murder. But they proved to the world,
by their quiet and peaceable demeanor, that they had no such
intention, but this was forgotten, and in less than a year and a half
we were again assailed, our houses and grain stacks burned, and our
brethren shot down in the glare of the light thereof, while attempting
to save a pittance to drive starvation not from the doors nor the
tents, for there were none of either, but from the famishing hearts of
their social circle—of their wives and children.
And again was the aid of the Government invoked to quell the so-called
"Mormon disturbances," and still we see the newspapers teeming with
these and the like epithets—"Turbulent Mormons." "What shall be
done
with these turbulent Mormons?" is the cry from one end of the Union to
the other. In the name of Heaven what have we done to excite the fears
of any People or Government, that the sound of war and blood must
eternally be kept ringing in our ears? I answer, nothing. It is the
same as before, in the case of tampering with the slaves and Indians,
a certain fearfulness that if we are not looked to, driven, plundered
of our homes and possessions, slain, and massacred as before, we may
do something, they have not yet, to my knowledge, defined precisely
what.
Have not this people invariably evinced their friendly feelings,
disposition, and patriotism towards the government by every act and
proof which can be given by any people?
Permit me to draw your attention, for a moment, to a few facts in
relation to raising the Battalion for the Mexican war. When the
stormcloud of persecution lowered down upon us on every side, when every
avenue was closed against us, our Leaders treacherously betrayed and
slain by the authorities of the Government in which we lived, and no
hope of relief could penetrate through the thick darkness and gloom
which surrounded us on every side, no voice was raised in our behalf,
and the General Government was silent to our appeals. When we had been
insulted and abused all the day long, by those in authority requiring
us to give up our arms, and by every other act of insult and abuse
which the prolific imagination of our enemies could devise to test, as
they said, our patriotism, which requisitions, be it known, were
always complied with on our part; and when we were finally compelled
to flee, for the preservation of our lives and the lives of our wives
and children, to the wilderness; I ask, had we not reason to feel that
our enemies were in the ascendant? That even the Government, by their
silent acquiescence, were also in favor of our destruction? Had we not,
I ask, some reason to consider them all, both the people and the
Government, alike our enemies?
And when, in addition to all this, and while fleeing from our enemies,
another test of fidelity and patriotism was contrived by them for our
destruction, and acquiesced in by the Government (through the agency
of a distinguished politician who evidently sought, and thought he had
planned our overthrow and total annihilation), consisting of a
requisition from the War Department, to furnish a Battalion of five
hundred men to fight under their officers, and for them, in the war
then existing with Mexico. I ask again, could we refrain from
considering both people and Government our most deadly foes? Look a
moment at our situation, and the circumstances under which
this requisition was made. We were migrating, we knew not whither,
except that it was our intention to go beyond the reach of our
enemies. We had no homes, save our wagons and tents, and no stores of
provisions and clothing; but had to earn our daily bread by leaving
our families in isolated locations for safety, and going among our
enemies to labor. Were we not, even before this cruel requisition was
made, unmercifully borne down by oppression and persecution past
endurance by any other community? But under these trying circumstances
we were required to turn out of our traveling camps 500 of our most
efficient men, leaving the old, the young, the women upon the hands of
the residue, to take care of and support; and in case we refused to
comply with so unreasonable a requirement, we were to be deemed
enemies to the Government, and fit only for the slaughter.
Look also at the proportion of the number required of us, compared
with that of any other portion of the Republic. A requisition of only
thirty thousand from a population of more than twenty millions was all
that was wanted, and more than was furnished, amounting to only one
person and a half to a thousand inhabitants. If all other
circumstances had been equal, if we could have left our families in
the enjoyment of peace, quietness, and security in the houses from
which we had been driven, our quota of an equitable requisition would
not have exceeded four persons. Instead of this, five hundred must go,
thirteen thousand percent above an equal ratio, even if all other
things had been equal, but under the peculiar circumstances in which
it was made comparison fails to demonstrate, and reason itself totters
beneath its enormity. And for whom were we to fight? As I have already
shown, for those that we had every reason to believe were our most
deadly foes. Could the Government have expected our compliance
therewith? Did they expect it? Did not our enemies believe that we
would spurn, with becoming resentment and indignation, such an
unhallowed proposition? And were they not prepared to make our
rejection of it a pretext to inflame the Government still more against
us, and thereby accomplish their hellish purposes upon an innocent
people, in their utter extinction? And how was this proposition
received, and how was it responded to by this people? I went myself,
in company with a few of my brethren, between one and two hundred
miles along the several routes of travel, stopping at every little
camp, using our influence to obtain volunteers, and on the day
appointed for the rendezvous the required compliment was made up; and
this was all accomplished in about twenty days from the time that the
requisition was made known.
Our Battalion went to the scene of action, not in easy berths on
steamboats, nor with a few months' absence, but on foot over two
thousand miles across trackless deserts and barren plains,
experiencing every degree of privation, hardship, and suffering during
some two years' absence before they could rejoin their families. Thus
was our deliverance again effected by the interposition of that
All-wise Being who can discern the end from the beginning, and
overrule the wicked intentions of men to promote the advancement of
His cause upon the earth. Thus were we saved from our enemies by
complying with their, as hitherto, unjust and unparalleled exactions;
again proving our loyalty to the Government.
Here permit me to pay a tribute of respect to the memory of Captain
Allen, the bearer of this requisition from the Government. He was a
gentleman full of humane feelings, and, had he been spared,
would have smoothed the path, and made easy the performance of this
duty, so far as laid in his power. His heart was wrung with sympathy
when he saw our situation, and failed with wonder when he witnessed
the enthusiastic patriotism and ardor which so promptly complied with
his requirement; again proving, as we had hundreds of times before
proved, by our acts, that we were belied by our enemies, and that we
were as ready, and even more so than any other inhabitants of the
Republic, to shoulder the musket, and go forth to fight the battles of
our common country, or stand in her defense. History furnishes no
parallel, either of the severity and injustice of the demand, or in
the alacrity, faithfulness, and patriotism with which it was answered
and complied. Thus can we cite instance after instance of persons
holding legal authority, being moved upon, through the
misrepresentation and influence of our enemies, to insult us as a
people, by requiring a test of our patriotism. How long must this
state of things continue? So long as the people choose to remain in
willful ignorance with regard to us; so long as they choose to
misinterpret our views, misrepresent our feelings, and misunderstand
our policy.
To accuse us of being unfriendly to the Government, is to accuse us of
hostility to our religion, for no item of inspiration is held more
sacred with us than the Constitution under which she acts. As a
religious society, we, in common with all other denominations, claim
its protection; whether our people are located in the other states or
territories, as thousands of them are, or in this territory, it is
held as a shield to protect the dearest boon of which man is
susceptible—his religious views and sentiments.
The Government of the United States has never engaged in a crusade
against us as a people, although she has remained silent, or refused
us, when appealed to for redress of grievances. She has permitted us
to be driven from our own lands, for which she had taken our money,
and that too with her letters patent in our hands, guaranteeing to us
peaceable possession. She has calmly looked on and permitted one of
the fundamental and dearest provisions of the Constitution to be
broken; she has permitted us to be driven and trampled under foot with
impunity. Under these circumstances what course is left for us to
pursue? I answer, that, instead of seeking to destroy the very best
government in the world, as seems to be the fears of some, we, like
all other good citizens, should seek to place those men in power who
will feel the obligations and responsibilities they are under to a
mighty people; who would feel and realize the important trusts reposed
in them by the voice of the people who call them to administer law
under the solemn sanction of an oath of fidelity to that heaven
inspired instrument, to the inviolate preservation of which we look
for the perpetuity of our free institutions.
It should be the aim of all good citizens, and it is our intention and
design as a people, to promote virtue, intelligence, and patriotism;
and when any person seeks to invade our virtue, by sowing the seeds of
corruption and vice, and, when rebuked therefore, assails our rights
and patriotism, as has universally heretofore been done, he exhibits,
before this people, his own depraved heart. Should not those persons
who are appointed to administer law, observe it themselves? Should not
those officers who have been sent among us by the United States, be an
example in point of morality, virtue, and good behavior; and do honor
to those laws which they came here to execute and administer? And shall they so far forget themselves, as to spend their time in
licentiousness, gambling, and seducing the innocent and unsuspecting,
and in a variety of ways sow the seeds of sin and immorality, with
impunity, and no man dare utter his protest? I tell you nay. With me,
with this people you will have war, if needs be, upon this principle.
It is incumbent upon us to use our influence for the preservation of
ourselves, our wives, our children, our brethren, our sisters, and all
of our society from the contaminating influence of vice, sin,
immorality, and iniquity, let it emanate from where it will. If it
exists in high places, so much the more need of rebuking it, for from
thence it will do the most harm.
I claim this as a right, as a Constitutional right; I believe it is
legal to exercise all the power and influence which God has given me
for the preservation of virtue, truth, and holiness; and because we
feel sensitive upon points such as these, should it be construed that
we are enemies to the Federal Government? Our history proves that for
such things we have been persecuted even unto death, but this deters me
not. I would rather have God my friend, and all the world enemies,
than be a friend with the world, and have God my enemy; and in this
view of the case the Government should also be our friends, for
assuredly in the preservation of virtue, morality, and intelligence
she may look for the perpetuity of her free institutions, and the
preservation of her liberty. And in the moment of her disregard of
these principles, when wickedness and sin can run riot with impunity,
and not moral influence and force enough be found in the people to
check it, and walk it under foot, then may she reckon on a speedy
downfall. When moral obligations cease to exert an influence, and
virtue hides its face, and the un blushing effrontery of sin and foul
corruption takes its place, then may the nation consider there is
danger. "When the wicked rule, the people mourn."
This then is our position towards the Government of the United States,
and towards the world, to put down iniquity, and exalt virtue; to
declare the word of God which He revealed unto us, and build up His
Kingdom upon the earth. And, Know all men, Governments, Nations,
Kindreds, Tongues, and People, that this is our calling, intention,
and design. We aim to live our religion, and have communion with our
God. We aim to clear our skirts of the blood of this generation, by
our faithfulness in preaching the truth of heaven in all plainness and
simplicity; and I have often said, and repeat it now, that all other
considerations of whatever name or nature, sink into insignificance in
comparison with this. To serve God and keep His commandments, are
first and foremost with me. If this is higher law, so be it. As it is
with me, so should it be with every department of the Government; for
this doctrine is based upon the principles of virtue and integrity;
with it the Government, her Constitution, and free institutions are
safe; without it no power can avert their speedy destruction. It is
the lifegiving power to the government; it is the vital element on
which she exists and prospers; in its absence she sinks to rise no
more.
We now proceed to discuss the question, does our faith and
practice—our holy religion, as we hold and believe it—come within the
purview of the Constitution; or, in other words, is it a religious
question over which the Constitution throws its protecting shield? It
reads, "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of
religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." Ours is
pecu liarly a religious establishment; in it are centered all
our hopes of salvation, honor, glory, and exaltation. In it we find
our hopes of a resurrection, and of a life of immortality in another
state of existence. By it we are actuated in all our business of life,
through its influence we have preserved virtue, established truth, and
been enabled to endure persecution. By its influence we have
surmounted the difficulties of a banishment from the abodes of
civilization and this world's enlightenment, and established ourselves
in these distant vales, where, until we came hither, there was
nothing, either in soil, climate, or productions, to attract the
notice of even the adventurous and enterprising; in a country which
offered no inducements worthy of consideration to any people but us.
And why to us as a people? Because here, far distant from any white
settlements, upon a piece of earth not valuable for its facilities
either for cultivation, navigation, or commerce, where the whole face
of the country presented the most barren and forbidding aspect, we
considered we might live and enjoy our religion unmolested, and be
free from the meddlesome interference of any person. If our principles
and religion were obnoxious to any, they were relieved from our
presence, unless they chose to follow us.
If the people of the United States do not like our religious
institutions, they are not compelled to mix in our society, or
associate with us, or with our children. There is nothing here to
tempt their cupidity, their avarice, or their lust. Then let them
remain at home, or if they wish to roam in quest of new locations,
there are none less desirable than this, for any other purpose than
the one for which we have selected it, not for its intrinsic value in
a pecuniary point of view, but in order that we might enjoy our
religion in peace, preserve our youth in virtue, and be freed from the
insults, abuse, and persecution of our enemies.
Why should we have enemies? "Why is it," say our objectors, "that you
cannot mingle and mix in society like other religious denominations?"
It has been seen that the people would not permit us to dwell in their
midst in peace. We have been universally driven by illegal force, by
mobs, murderers, and assassins, as unworthy of having a place amongst
the abodes of civilized man, until, as a last resort, we found peace
in these distant valleys. It is because our religion is the only true
one. It is because we have the only true authority, upon the face of
the whole earth, to administer in the ordinances of the Gospel. It is
because the keys of this dispensation were committed by messengers
sent from the Celestial world unto Joseph Smith, and are now held on
the earth by this people. It is because Christ and Lucifer are
enemies, and cannot be made friends; and Lucifer, knowing that we have
this Priesthood, this power, this authority, seeks our overthrow.
I am aware that these answers involve the truth of our principles, the
divine appointment of Joseph Smith, the divine authenticity of the Book
of Mormon, Doctrine and Covenants, &c.; but this subject I leave for
your consideration and investigation, with this simple declaration,
that whether our religion is believed by any other people or not, it
is by us, and no power or authority in the government can lawfully or
righteously molest us in the peaceable and quiet enjoyment thereof. It
cannot be done without law, and surely the government have no right to
make any law concerning it, or to prevent the free exercise thereof.
Why should tests of patriotism to the government be required of this
people, more than of any other com munity in the States and
Territories? Would it not be considered insulting and abusive in the
highest degree, by any other community in the government, to be thus
subjected and humiliated? Cannot the people and government perceive in
us, as a people, industry, sobriety, order, and well regulated
society; also a general diffusion of knowledge and dissemination of
moral principle? And do they not know that these are the unmistakable
signs and fruits of virtue, truth, love of our country, and high
regard for her institutions? And do not such views, feelings,
practices, and principles emanate from a pure and undefiled religion,
a high sense of faith, practice, and obligation unto Christ our Lord,
and his revealed will unto us?
Does our doctrine, containing such views, sentiments, and practices,
and exercising so genial an influence upon society; or in other words,
does our religion disqualify us from being faithful, good, and
patriotic citizens of the American government? Have the American
people so far gone astray, and wandered from the light and power of
the Gospel, that they cannot understand, recognize, and appreciate the
savory element of religious influence, high tone of morality, and
exemplary practice of virtuous and holy principles? If so, then indeed
have the degenerate sons of worthy and patriotic sires well nigh spent
their substance, and are preparing to subsist on husks, with swine. If
so, then does the moral dearth well nigh betoken a famine far
exceeding the scorching drought, wasting pestilence, and direful
calamities of 1854. If so, then will the government, like the
storm-driven bark, soon dash to atoms, having neither rudder to guide,
nor caliber to withstand, the angry surging of the tempestuous waves.
In the sincere observances of the principles of true religion and
virtue, we recognize the base, the only sure foundation of enlightened
society and well-established government. In truth and by virtue of
divine appointment we combat error, and seek to rend asunder the veil
of darkness enveloping the human race.
In the progress of the age in which we live, we discern the fulfillment
of prophecy, and the preparation for the second coming of our Lord and
Savior to dwell upon the earth. We expect that the refuge of lies will
be swept away, and that city, nation, government, or kingdom which
serves not God, and gives no heed to the principles of truth and
religion, will be utterly wasted away and destroyed.
The word has gone forth from the Almighty, and will not return unto
Him void. It becomes us, therefore, one and all, to have on our
wedding garments, to have our lamps trimmed and burning, well filled
with oil, lest we also be taken unawares, and share the fate of the
foolish virgins.
May the Lord bless us with the inspiration of His Holy Spirit, that
our minds may be enlightened, our understandings enlarged and
strengthened; and may His grace, wisdom, and intelligence be given
unto us for our preservation and sanctification according to our day
and generation, for the Redeemer's sake. Amen.